History of Indian Feminist Movement

Feminism is a word that elicits a range of emotions and prompts a variety of interpretations regarding its connotation, many of which are partly attributable to societal norms due to the widespread media coverage that has long depicted those in favour of feminist movements as ferocious, men-hating, and dangerous people. Many people disagree with one another on the true essence of feminism though the goal of feminism has eventually reverted to the same principle since its inception: ensuring equality for all people regardless of inherent biological differences. Anti-feminists believe that feminism is portrayed and discussed as an agitation against men, primarily by those not identifying as women. The misconceptions and stereotypes associated with feminism are why some people proclaim themselves to be pro-equality and anti-feminist in the same breath without understanding that the nature of these statements is contradictory in itself.

Why has the perception of feminism strayed from its original objective? To understand its progression from history to the present, we need to get an overview, starting with how it is defined today.

Feminism is a movement whose sole goal is to bring equality for all, regardless of one’s social, economic, psychological, biological, and personal identification. As defined by Hooks, feminism is “a movement to end sexism, sexist exploitation, and oppression” and that there are “as many versions of feminism as there are women” (Hooks, 2000; McDougall, 2013). This definition explains the purpose of the feminist movement as being for the empowerment of women (in all spheres of life) and not the demeaning of men as popularly recognized by the staunchly opposed. In the context of Indian feminism, author Radha Kumar quotes, “In the early years of movements for women's rights, for example, it was more or less taken for granted that the difference between the sexes was such that their roles, functions, aims and desires were different. And hence not only had they to be differently reared but differently treated in general” (Kumar, 1993). As Kumar explained, the early feminists were still of the opinion that there were inherent differences between males and females that determined the roles that each were permitted to fulfil. The contemporary definition of feminism is no longer representative of assigned gender roles, and is much more accepting and appreciative of diversity, recognizing each individual as innately different but having a common goal of being equal.

The feminist movement of India is loosely categorized into 3 phases, namely: First Phase: (1850-1915), Second Phase (1915-1947) and the Third Phase: 1947 to Present (Pande, 2018). For the sake of ease and not as a distinction between the respective feminist movement Phases, the First Phase and Second Phase are considered under Pre-Independence feminist movements (Kumar, 1993).

The First Phase of the Indian feminist movement initially started as a social reform movement termed the period of alleged renaissance in the early to mid-nineteenth century in Bengal (Kumar, 1993; Chatterjee, 1990). “The social reform movement attempted to reform the oppressive conditions under which Hindu (upper class) women lived, such as Sati, child marriage and early widowhood” (Krishnaraj, 2012). 

Raja Ram Mohan Roy was a notable personality among the many pioneers of the early feminist movement. He founded the Bramha Samaj in 1828 (Second Phase of Indian Feminist Movement), which adopted Christian Practices, denounced the caste system, and promoted education and autonomy for women (Krishnaraj, 2012; Brunell, 2021; Pande, 2018). He is known for his contribution to abolishing traditional tyrannical practices such as Sati in the mid-nineteenth century (Chatterjee, 1990).

“According to Maitrayee Chaudhuri, a professor at JNU, unlike the western feminist movement, India’s movement was initiated by men, and later joined by women” (Mann, 2021, 0:48). The modern ideas of feminism, such as the inclusion of liberal values began  to assimilate during the First Phase of the Indian Feminist movement, were a result of the influence of western debates (especially about violence against women), westernization and colonization (Brunell, 2021; Mann, 2021, 1:08). An issue with the social reform movement was that it focused on changing what the Britishers found to be backward and degenerated rather than addressing the patriarchy and gender relations prevalent in Indian society (Pande, 2018). Many people saw this movement as an anti-traditional movement or a product of the west. Eventually, this resulted in a modification of the goals of the feminist movement in India due to the inherent social, regional, and historical differences in India compared to other countries and the heavy intersection of nationalist movements and women movements (Chaudhury, 2010; Mann, 2021, 1:16).

As seen in the initial inter-continental interactions between feminists, many Western feminists imposed the ideologies and personal necessities of the feminist movements of their countries upon the emerging feminist movement of other third world countries (Brunell, 2021). There was a difference between the issues that the third world countries needed to address in discussions and the ideologies the Western feminists imposed upon the third world countries through imperialism.

From the Third Phase to the Contemporary period of the Feminist Movement (since the 1980s), the rise of multiculturalism gave rise to the recognition and celebration of diversity when it came to divergent or minority feminists and helped in making western feminist visions more mainstream and accepted as authentic Indian feminist drives (Chaudhuri, 2012). Despite this fact, the writings of feminists in India can be regarded as relatively intersectional in themselves from the commencement of feminist movements due to the inherent diversity of India regarding caste, class, religion, sexuality, disability, sex, and gender.

Kimberlé Crenshaw, an American law professor first coined the term intersectional feminism in 1989. In a recent interview with TIME on February 20, 2020, Crenshaw redefined intersectional feminism as “basically a lens, a prism, for seeing the way in which various forms of inequality often operate together and exacerbate each other. We tend to talk about race inequality as separate from inequality based on gender, class, sexuality or immigrant status. What’s often missing is how some people are subject to all of these, and the experience is not just the sum of its parts” (Intersectional Feminism: What It Means and Why It Matters Right Now, 2020; Steinmetz, 2020). The inequality that Crenshaw talks about includes issues of marginalised individuals and groups such as racism, sexism, and classism. Inequality is often an intersection of these issues. Today, feminism attempts to be intersectional by encouraging the simultaneous existence of different sexes, genders, and their roles in the context of class, caste, race, sexuality and ethnicity and disability.

Gopal says, “A significant proportion of those occupying non-normative genders and sexualities hail from marginal caste and class locations, and this has been a point of tense relations between diverse streams in the women’s movement” (Gopal, 2012) as cited in (Gopal, 2019).

“Dalit feminists and scholars on caste feel that the women’s movements have not done enough to address caste and the oppression of Dalits, specifically Dalit women, or even sufficiently problematized the Dalit woman’s location as much as other diversities” (Gopal, 2019). Frequently, people belonging to the upper class/caste are oblivious of how people from the lower class/caste are reminded of their marginal status in society at every turn. As the feminist movement first started for the upper-class women of India, the voices of those not belonging to the upper class/caste were not considered valid or valuable. An example of caste discrimination in the feminist movement in India is when the government of Maharashtra state announced a ban on women performing in dance bars (Gopal, 2012). Gopal says, “Due to the intersection of caste, sexuality and labour, several Dalit-Bahujan activists stated with anger and hurt that the support offered to the bar dancers from a section of the women’s movements, even if it be in the name of protection of livelihood, amounted to a reinforcement of caste-based sexual exploitation of women of lower castes” (Gopal, 2012). It is important to note that women dancers (who happen to be from lower castes) in the dance bars were banned from dance, while film actors and models (upper class/caste women) continued to perform on-screen or walk the ramp” (Gopal, 2012).

“Reflecting on the engagement with and within the women’s movement, queer/feminists have learned that it is only dialogue between movements or attempts at empathetic coalitional politics with a common vision of social transformation that can advance the politics of specific marginal groups” (Gopal, 2012). Gopal has specified how privileged status of caste, class and geographical location play a role in articulating transgender groups. Additionally, even within the articulations of the movements of Queer people, the voices of transgender persons and communities of intersex people remain marginal to those who express themselves as gay, lesbian or bisexual.

The marginalized individuals get further marginalised due to them not being represented by the mainstream identifiers of their group making it even harder for them to rightfully have a say in feminist movements.

Concerning disability and feminism, Anita Ghai, a disabled Indian woman, speaks about the importance of disability in feminist discourse: “Disabled women occupy a multifarious and marginalized position in Indian society, based on their disability and also on sociocultural identities that separate them into categories constructed according to such properties as caste, class, and residential position” (Ghai, 2002). Ghai describes how women with disabilities also crossover into other minority structures, thus putting the burden of ‘plural (minority) identity markers’ upon them (Ghai, 2002). The limited accessible resources available for people with disabilities partnered with the social system of patriarchy, class, caste, sexual orientation, sex, and gender puts those with disabilities at a disadvantage.

A meta-analytic study explains how: “The term ‘minority stress’ is used to distinguish the excess stress to which individuals from stigmatised social categories are exposed as a result of their social, often a minority, position” (Meyer, 2003). As stated in a study conducted at the University of Washington, “Findings indicate a significant impact of minority stressors and social–psychological resources (i.e., social support, spirituality) on mental health and substance use among sexual minority women” (Lehavot & Simoni, 2011). Minorities are classified as for example sexual minorities such as LGBTQIA+ individuals, caste minorities, ethnic minorities and religious minorities that face discrimination and prejudice based on their identity (Meyer, 2003). In addition to minority stress, culture also plays a significant role in defining the normalcy of cognition, emotion and behaviour in the minority population as compared to the non-minority population. Moleiro explains that "the cultural context is necessary for defining the (mal)adjustment of human behaviour, for shaping the threshold of distress and the range and forms of its expressiveness that are acceptable and adaptive, and shaping psychotherapy models” (Moleiro, 2018). Not only has psychopathology been long focused on a western perspective, but behaviours termed as abnormal or deviant do not take into account the cultural specificity, potentially leading to misdiagnosis (Moleiro, 2018).

The focus of the feminist lens should be on minority community needs by letting marginalized individuals speak about their personal experiences. By giving those who are not on the gender or sexual binary the due opportunity to articulate themselves, the concept of feminism can be inclusive. There needs to be greater emphasis on studying the effects of prejudice and discrimination against minority groups to devise appropriate psychological treatment plans curtailed to their cultures. By being sensitized toward minority groups’ needs and understanding their realities, healthier inter-community discourse can occur, thus enabling the feminist movement to become unequivocally intersectional.

There is a lack of distinction regarding validating the inclusion of individuals who identify as non-binary in the feminist movement. The extensive focus of the feminist movements on amplifying the voices of women, at times, ignores the valid identities of transwomen and those not belonging to the gender binary. There should be greater emphasis on queer feminism and trans feminism in the feminist discourse. Feminism is a way of life and a set of practices that one should learn to inculcate in their daily lives. It is a valuable addition that is catalytic in transforming oneself to become more self-aware, unbiased and compassionate, thus fostering better relations with people outside of our circle.

In India, feminism sways by social systems and stereotypes such as patriarchy, the stigma and disregard of mental illness, the connotation of white skin to high status, an unhealthy expectation of reverence for elders, not to count many other hindrances to the growth of women. Furthermore, there is an expectation from women to be subservient and docile in their relationships and marriages, thus incapacitating them to act autonomously and express their opinions candidly. There is constant advice towards women to cover up and not be too loud or brash because receiving negative attention from men is a presupposed outcome. In this, perhaps women are not the issue. It is the society that refuses to acknowledge how it has marginalised them. Such experiences and conditioning can also result in repressed emotions and trauma, which can metamorphose into mental illnesses or unhealthy coping mechanisms. 

Considering the history of Indian feminism and its insufficient focus on marginality (such as disability, mental illness and caste), feminists need to train their lens on all aspects of the human condition, and not just on women in the context of upper-class and caste women on the sex and gender binary. With a greater understanding of the effects of learned socialization and systematic marginalization that keeps the focus of the society away from important issues of marginalized communities, the feminist movement can undeniably be a movement for all.

References 

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Written by: Avanti Karmarkar

Reviewed by: Nishtha Agarwal, Manisha

About the author:
Currently, a third-year Bachelor of Arts student of Psychology at Fergusson College, Pune, Avanti is interested in positive and social psychological applications in the context of clinical psychology and research, including social and environmental influences such as gender, culture, and sexual orientation. As a firm believer in the power of change, she put faith in the power of resilience and emotional intelligence in changing one's outlook towards the self and the world. In her free time, you would see her writing poetry, creating art, having philosophical discussions with friends, or trying out a new activity.